SPRINGFIELD, Ill.– Illinois lawmakers don’t hear much good news these days. The budget is falling apart. Schools are struggling. Top leaders are feuding.
SPRINGFIELD, Ill.– Illinois lawmakers don’t hear much good news these days. The budget is falling apart. Schools are struggling. Top leaders are feuding. So the selection of John Cullerton as the next Senate president has thrilled legislators hungry for any sign that things will get better. That optimism also means Cullerton faces high expectations — perhaps unrealistically high. People are throwing around words like "harmony" and "era of change" when talking about Cullerton leading the Senate and negotiating with the cantankerous House speaker and governor. Certainly, it will be a major change for Gov. Rod Blagojevich. Cullerton is taking over because of the retirement of current Senate President Emil Jones, the governor’s most powerful legislative ally. Blagojevich no longer will be able to count on someone blocking legislation he opposes or taking his side in negotiations. Instead of a speaker and president who mistrust one another, Blagojevich will face legislative leaders who might actually work together and against him. Cullerton, D-Chicago, was chosen last week as the Democratic leader in the Senate. Since Democrats hold a 37-22 majority, they’ll be able to install him as Senate president in January. Cullerton has been a lawmaker since 1979, first in the House and then the Senate. He often pushes legislation that, depending on your point of view, either makes people safer or chips away at their freedom — mandatory seatbelts, mandatory motorcycle helmets, restrictions on smoking, gun control. He also was key to overhauling the state’s death penalty system to guard against innocent people being sentenced to die. Cullerton is known for a cutting wit. He holds fundraising events at Chicago’s Second City comedy theater and delivers some jokes himself. He’s even been known to indulge in impromptu stand-up routines in Springfield. Sometimes his jokes come at other people’s expense. He won the presidency in large part because senators felt Jones weakened the chamber by working too closely with Blagojevich and feuding with House Speaker Michael Madigan. Senate Democrats could have voted for Sen. James Clayborne, who was seen as closer to Blagojevich. Instead, they opted for someone with the diplomatic skills to work with both Blagojevich and Madigan, and the experience to stand up to both of them when necessary. "We needed someone who was going to move us past the strong relationship with the governor," said Sen. Mike Jacobs, D-East Moline. "I think we needed someone who was going to work with the House, with the Republican minority." Sen. Martin Sandoval, D-Chicago, put it more bluntly: "I think Rod Blagojevich is in for a rude awakening if he thinks it’s going to be business as usual as it’s been under Emil Jones." But it’s hard to see how a new Senate president can fundamentally change the picture in Springfield. First, the governor is still the governor. Blagojevich still has authority to hire and fire, decide where to spend state money and reject or rewrite legislation sent to him. He often seems to relish conflict, portraying himself as the good guy facing down a gang of crooks. He may carry that attitude into his relationship with Cullerton. So far, Cullerton is walking a very thin line, trying to tell Blagojevich that things must change — "no more surprise special sessions, no more amendatory vetoes that exceed their constitutional authority" — without insulting him. "We’re not talking about ultimatums here and trying to stick it to him. It just makes more sense to try to work with him," Cullerton said. Second, the speaker is still the speaker. Madigan has ruled the House for all but two years since 1983. He does not welcome challenges to his power, he holds grudges and he can be mysterious, to put it mildly, about his legislative goals. Cullerton was once one of Madigan’s top lieutenants in the House. Madigan could be reluctant to treat a former underling as a respected equal in Springfield maneuvering. Madigan also may find it difficult to work with the governor after so many years of butting heads, even if others at the bargaining table are willing to start over. "The speaker, I would urge him to try to mollify his views toward the governor if he has ill feelings. Start anew, start fresh," Cullerton said. Finally, the facts are still the facts. This year’s budget is out of balance by $2 billion or more. Next year’s budget could involve even more red ink. Some lawmakers might be open to raising taxes but many wouldn’t — and, more importantly, Blagojevich vehemently opposes the idea. Overhauling schools and their funding system is a challenge that has defeated Springfield again and again, for decades. The state has billions in overdue bills for medical services, and the cost of health care is still climbing. A major battle for governor is likely in 2010, so everyone will be weighing the political consequences of their actions in 2009. That could stall action yet again. Cullerton may be able to improve relationships in Springfield, but he can’t turn the economy around or make the state’s debt vanish. What he can do — perhaps — is get the decision-makers to stop glaring at each other and start talking. "I think we’ve gotten to the point where everybody views us in a negative light, the whole institution, the General Assembly, because we’ve been gridlocked," Cullerton said. "I will attempt to unravel that gridlock." Associated Press Political Writer John O’Connor contributed to this report. AP ______ Copyright 2008 Associated Press. All rights reserved. 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